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A study of the Poor Roll in a Scottish Highland Parish, 1864-1915

By Peter Lawrie, ©1997

This paper was written for a University project in 1997. If Helmsdale or the Scottish Poor Law is of interest to you, I hope that you find this article of value. Contact me for the supporting data and tables.

The original paper from which this webpage was derived, was based on a number of sources.
The annually printed List of the Registered Poor (1868-1915),
Minutes of the Parochial Board (1864-1904),
Statutory Death Records (1855-1901)
and the CEBs (census enumeration books) for Kildonan covering the census years of 1851, 1861, 1871, 1881 and 1891

Information on 336 paupers identified from the above sources have been analysed. These paupers have been classed as aged, infirm, sick, insane, widow(er)ed with children, orphans and others. The analysis of the out-relief payments to these people, taking into account the cost of basic foodstuffs in the local area shows that they rose from a level barely enough for survival in 1870 to what might be regarded as basic subsistence level by 1900. The attitudes shown towards the able-bodied and the use made ny Kildonan parish of the Poorhouse in Bonar Bridge and the Asylum in Inverness are examined.

This project was intended to examine the Poor Law in a rural Highland parish using a ‘questioning sources’ strategy. Using 'Nominal Record linkage' of the LRP (List of the Registered Poor) and MPB (minutes of the Parochial Board) to the CEBs (Census Enumeration Books) and the Statutary Death records helped to show who the paupers were, why they were so reduced and how they were treated. The study was intended to examine how the Poor Law actually operated in comparison with the intention of the 1845 Act and the criticisms in the 1909 Poor Law Report?

Much of the published work on the Poor Law in Scotland is concerned with the problems created by rapid industrialisation and urbanisation and the boom/bust cycle of heavy manufacturing, or with the acutely congested western Highlands and Islands. Kildonan is an east-Sutherland parish with a commercial fishing port, a few large farms and a ‘long tail of tenants with tiny holdings’. (Gray,1957,p226)

According to James Chalmers, charity was “the care and concern for others....a thank offering for the less fortunate”. Chalmers’ voluntary ideals, however, recalled a pre-modern society where a small elite of the land-owning class, successful traders and a few professionals in a parish knew who their 'poor' were and to varying extents took care of them.

The growth of urban centres in the nineteenth century increasingly made this a fiction. According to Checkland, nineteenth-century economic theory held that charity defied the laws of the labour-market in assisting the able-bodied. (Checkland,1980,p2-3). In practice Alison stated that Victorian welfare was “parsimony injurious to the poor and discreditable to the rich”. (Alison,1840,p66).

In Smout's study of nineteenth century Scotland, “The Gaelic Highlander often refused to conform to the model of Smithian man. They had their own ideology, which was that the possession of land, the tenure of a croft, was the highest good a man could desire.” (Smout,1986,p67). It is impossible to conclude from the evidence how much this applied to Kildonan. However, the Poor Law was deeply rooted in the Smithian idea of ‘the invisible hand of economic self-interest’ (of the employing classes!), as opposed to the co-operative, yet individualistic view of the Highlander.

In Richards' study of the Sutherland estate, he referred to James Loch, (MP and agent for the Duke of Sutherland), who in an 1846 letter on the developing potato famine stated “I do not think that some measure of distress will not reach our people. I think it will and I think it ought, it is the only thing that will induce them to work.” (Richards,1973,p263).

From an early Board of Supervision report “Any systematic attempt to refuse all relief, except such as may be received within the walls of a Poorhouse, would excite a baneful spirit of discontent among the poor.....without effecting any saving to the funds of the parish” (Levitt,1988,p9). Levitt goes on to illustrate from evidence to the 1844 Commission that it was not unknown for some parishes to give occasional relief to the unemployed, in spite of the normal practice to refuse relief to the able bodied.

Nicholls (an English exponent of the Workhouse and efficiency of relief. (Drake,1994,p278) stated that by 1853, 77% of parishes had moved to (Alisonian) assessment of ratepayers, rather than the voluntary giving which, prior to the 1843 Disruption and the 1845 Poor Law Act had been the practice in Scotland. (Nicholls,1967,p264). Hunter found that by 1850 only two Highland parishes had continued the voluntary principle. (Hunter,1976,p75)

Quotations from the Board of Supervision reports: (Nicholls,1967) (The italics are mine)
1849,p229. “As Poorhouses increase they will furnish.....a simple test where there is reason to doubt the disability or destitution of the applicants.”
1850,p231. “When relief was a charitable rather than a legal obligation, Poorhouses were regarded as almshouses....admission was regarded as a boon.... The more perfect knowledge by the poor of their rights.....have caused a strong pressure on Parochial Boards. A Poorhouse will be wholly useless unless it is as to render it more irksome than labour.”.
1850,p233. “Admission to Poorhouse (1) Destitute persons.....who cannot be cared for by means of outdoor relief except at a cost exceeding that for which they can be maintained in the Poorhouse. (2) Persons whose claims are doubtful,....concealing resources,....idle, immoral or dissipated.”
1851,p235. “Parochial Boards had discretionary powers to afford temporary relief to casual poor including the able-bodied in absolute may be more advantageous to give aid to such able-bodied persons than withhold it until disablement arises”. (Judgements of the House of Lords in 1852, 1859 and 1866 effectively removed this discretion from Parochial Boards (Levitt,1988,p11)).

The Act required Parochial Boards to care for the sick and infirm, but also insisted on rigid control of costs and harsh tests of genuine destitution. The result was an unsatisfactory compromise. (MacLachlan,1987,p26)

During the period of this study, concurrent with parliamentary reform and the enfranchisement of the working-classes, legislation was introduced dealing with education, lunacy, public health, old-age pensions in 1908 and unemployment insurance in 1911. In 1909 a report was published which was highly critical of Poor Law practice. It concluded: the abolition of outdoor relief was wholly impracticable; offering the Poorhouse in all cases had unacceptable results; doles were manifestly inadequate for healthy subsistence and assumed to supplement ‘other’ resources, whether or not they existed; relief was unconditional with no check on actual maintenance or improvement. (NCBPLC,1909,p77-81)

The authors of the Main report aimed to modify and improve the Poor Law, whereas the Minority report for Scotland (MRNCBPLC,1909,p44) proposed its replacement by specialist agencies whose aim should be the prevention rather than relief of destitution. Subject headings relevant to this project are summarised:

Able-bodied.(p2-13). Treatment was inadequate and inept. National problems could not be solved at the parochial level. There should be a national Employment and Training Authority.
Children.(p13-19). Poorhouses were the wrong place for children. 30,000 children on outdoor relief were underfed and poorly clothed. The Education Authority should be responsible for orphans and children of the Poor.
Sick.(p20-28). The provisions for medical care were not working. The system provided the minimum necessary rather than the maximum practicable. The service was uneconomical, impracticable and wasteful. The sick should be wholly taken out of the Poor Law.
Mentally Defective.(p28-31). 20% of Paupers were mentally defective. All defectives should be removed from the Poor Law into the care of the Lunacy Authority.
Aged.(p31-34). The 1908 Old Age Pensions Act gave pensions to the necessitous over-70s. Excluded Pensioners and some under-70s unable to earn their maintenance should be removed from the Poor Law to the Pensions Committee.
Infirm but not Aged.(p31-36). Discrimination between the aged and younger infirm was unfair. Poor Law treatment was inadequate out-relief or the Poorhouse. They should be treated according to their needs outwith the Poor Law.

The underlying philosophy of the Poor Law, which implied the inferiority of the poor was criticised (MRNCBPLC,1909,p55):
There was an implication that moral defects caused destitution.
The stigma of pauperism was designed to be a deterrent to requesting relief.
Stress was placed on the efficiency of treatment (cost to the ratepayer) rather than long-term improvement in the condition of the pauper.
All classes of paupers were viewed equally as destitution cases and were not eligible for relief before they became destitute.

Description and evaluation of Sources and methods:
The annual “List of Registered Poor chargeable to the Parish of Kildonan”. (LRP) These cover 1868-1915 with ten years missing.
The Minutes of the Poor Board, (MPBs) were used to go back to 1864 and fill in some of the missing years. All individuals with a Kildonan settlement were linked on a spreadsheet into 336 cases, showing duration and nature-of-relief. Despite some inconsistencies, the absence of the GRP and the restarting (twice) of the roll-numbers, there was little risk of confusion. The LRPs were circulated to ratepayers, often the neighbours of paupers on the roll and included the annual statement of income and expenditure summarised at Appendix-3.

The Minutes of the Parochial Board for Kildonan. (MPB)
The “General Register of the Poor” for Kildonan in Highland Archives only covers 1924-30 but some of the Minute books of the Parochial Board survive. Fair copies cover 1863-Oct/1878 and Aug/1890-1904. A draft covers 1877-Oct 1884, thus 1885 to part of 1890 is missing. Draft rolls in November and May are included with new applications for relief or changes (increased doles, shoes and blankets or house repairs). The MPBs refer to communications received or actions by the Inspector, only occasionally giving extra detail about paupers. An annual rate was levied on the owners and occupiers of property. The parish was owned almost entirely by the Duke of Sutherland and his factor was a member of the Board until the Parish Council took over in May 1895. James Campbell, the Inspector of the Poor, as well as being the Parochial Clerk, the Collector of rates, Parish Schoolmaster, Sanitary Inspector and Registrar was appointed in 1866 after his predecessor had resigned following criticism by the Board of Supervision’s visiting Inspector. Following an 1869 inspection Campbell was commended for the new printed return which forms the basis of this project. Retiring in 1914, he probably did ‘know everybody’s business’. (Fraser&Morris,1990,p272).

Statutory death records. (SDR)
As far as possible the death of a pauper in the LRP was linked to the SDR, adding age and cause of death to summary spreadsheets. For many pauper deaths the Inspector was Informant as well as Registrar and the personal information is often incomplete and cause of death uninformative. There was a good reason for the lack of personal information and in particular next of kin (the bane of today's family history buffs). If the Inspector of Poor was aware of relatives of a pauper, he was obliged by law to chase them for support of the pauper. On occasion, this might cost considerably more than the actual poor relief given. The cause of death could also be uninformative as calling on the services of a doctor would cost the Poor Board and therefore it was often easier to enter 'senile decay', 'debility' or similar as the cause of death.

CEBs for Kildonan (52) 1851 to 1891.
Using extracts of the spreadsheets in alphabetical order with the people whom I expect to find in each of the CEBs (1851-91) for annotation, I identified all but eleven local paupers in one or more CEBs for their reported ages, places of birth and occupations (before they become ‘paupers’). The CEBs are a frustrating source due to temporary absences, reporting errors and the lack of any useful addresses in this parish. However, due to their circumstances and need to maintain a ‘settlement’ potential paupers tended not to move. In the 1851 CEB 62% of the population were locally born and 81% in Sutherland. Among paupers over the period 80% were born in the parish and 89% in the county. Having found discrepancies between ages on the LRP and SDR, there are more between these and the ages reported for the same individuals on successive CEBs. Only 58 had informative occupations, other than e.g. ‘domestic-servant’, ‘lotter’, ‘wife’, ‘daughter’ or blank.

Maintenance of a 'settlement' was important, as the Poor Board were only responsible for paupers either born or long-term resident in their parishes. Anyone without such a settlement status was the responsibility of their home parish. Once again, the Poor Board would on occasion spend more on seeking to return a pauper to their home parish, or in seeking restitution from that parish, than they might spend on actual relief.

Old Parish Record for Kildonan, 1791-1854. (OPR)
The OPR was checked for paupers born in the parish up to 1843 according to the CEBs. Most were found, though it appears few people knew their exact age and therefore some of the commoner names are open to dispute. Almost all paupers had parents described as lotters, tenants or labourers, which accounted for the bulk of the pre-clearance population. However this source would have been more valuable if I had time to examine kinship links in order to understand relationships between paupers and their neighbours in the community.

Main Findings.
Many claimants were refused on the grounds that they were able-bodied, not destitute or “not a proper object of relief”. Some are 'relieved' but the inspector is instructed to recover advances from relatives. Although amounts recovered are regularly reported, it is rarely possible to link this to individual relief given. (See Drake,1994,p96-97 for the responsibility under English law of children for their parents). The Board became involved in legal disputes over settlement of paupers and, in 1875, £89 (20% of the total paid to the regular poor) was spent on a single case claiming restitution from a reputed father. For ‘settlement’, birth or three years residence was necessary, without receiving relief or begging for assistance. (Day,1918,p127). Several claims by tramps are rejected annually, though the financial returns do show occasional payments to 'casual poor'. Kildonan paupers in other parishes (2 to 4 each year) are included but paupers from elsewhere (5 or 6 every year.) are ignored in this project. The percentage of the population on-the-roll rose a little above the Scottish average in 1870 and in most years until 1897. (Appendix-2).

Imbeciles and Lunatics.(sic)
There are 51 cases described as either imbeciles or lunatics, This represents 15% of the total which was less than the national average of 20%. Six of the 51 were sent to the Inverness Asylum for short periods before the Board of Lunacy payments began in 1876 and 36 thereafter, mostly after 1893 when the payments from the Board of Lunacy increased. Lodging-house keepers were authorised and paid by the Board to keep lunatics. Ten imbeciles were boarded-out in earlier years and sent to the Asylum later, one due to their propensity for ‘chasing conveyances on the highway’. Several widows-with-children spent time in the Asylum. It is impossible to classify the rest, perhaps today we might describe tham as depressed due to their impoverished circumstances.

I defined “long-term-sick” as the 38 people (11% of the total) who were on-the-roll before the age of 60, and remained there for more than two years. I defined “final-illness” as the 12 (4% of the total) younger cases who died within a year of joining the roll. Incapable paupers were nursed by untrained women who probably stayed off the roll themselves only by virtue of 1/- pw attendance paid for each. A Medical Officer shared with teh adjoining Loth parish was partly paid by government grant, (Day,1918,p128) though the Chairman of the Board complained repeatedly about the cost of the MO’s house. SDRs for paupers often indicate ‘old-age’ or ‘debility’ as a cause of death, making analysis pointless. Tuberculosis and phthisis were commonly reported as causes of premature death, probably due to damp, inadequate housing (Hunter,1976,p112-3). Medicines were provided to sick paupers but the Board was reluctant to send paupers to Inverness Infirmary. Typhoid, typhus and other fevers were regularly reported but serious expenditure on sanitation only begins after the Public Health Act of 1897.

I defined the elderly at 65+, although the 1908 Act referred to over-70s. The elderly accounted for much of the roll, 45% overall based on age-of-entry and higher based on actual ages, until 1908. The median age-of-entry to regular out-relief overall was 63, rising to 68 when I excluded widows-with-children and orphans. The median age of the 156 who were or had been on-the-roll and died aged 65+ (1864-1901) was 80. The median age of death of all 366 65+s in the parish (1855-1901) was 77. The oldest are most likely to need aid, but this does not explain such longevity having survived for nine years of a pound of oatmeal per day!
In 1871, 68% of females and 27% of males who I calculated to be 65+ were on-the-roll and in 1891, 53% of females and 10% of males. It is reasonable to assume that although some of those not on-the-roll may have had savings or remittances to live on, most lived with younger relatives. The migration from the parish of younger people as the population declined by 25% between 1851 and 1901 inevitably reduced the available support for the elderly.

Widows and Orphans.
During 1864-1908, 35 widows-with-children (11%) receive out-relief. For 21 of these residing in the parish and 8 residing elsewhere, but with a settlement in the parish, relief ceased, presumably when the children reached 14; There were only four widowers-with-children, two of these died leaving 6 orphans. There were 32 Married men (10 of them elderly, and 5 living outside the parish) of whom 20 died on-the-roll. Twelve orphans or illegitimate children (4%), two of them imbeciles, were maintained, normally boarded-out in the community with one of them brought up in the Bonar Bridge Poorhouse from birth till 14.

Able-bodied claimants.
It is difficult to determine whether the able-bodied were assisted. 11% of cases are uncertain, some from outwith the parish, while others received short-term or one-off payments for unstated reasons. Apart from subsistence crofting agriculture, Kildonan depended on cyclical industries. Inland sheep-farming and coastal arable-farming in eastern Sutherland were hit hard by agricultural depression after 1875 (Devine,1984,p243); the herring fishery could turn unpredictably from glut to famine. This would not only affect the fishermen, but the fish-processors and coopers at the harbour as well. Kildonan residents who migrated for work might return to the parish during periods of unemployment. Seven shoemakers and tailors appeared on-the-roll in the years after the railway reached Helmsdale in 1870. The ability of traders to bring in cheaper factory produced shoes and clothing by rail clearly ruined the trade of local craftsmen. A cooper was described in a CEB as unemployed prior to joining the roll. According to Nicholls, the law did allow occasional charity to the able-bodied but only the infirm were entitled to regular relief. (Nicholls,1967,p112). The law was constantly broken when an able-bodied claimant had a sick dependent or a sympathetic MO could register the unemployed person as ‘disabled’. (Day,1918,p127). One can speculate that if an unemployed person became truly disabled by reason of their destitution and, therefore, a “proper object of relief”, they would probably remain unemployable. Truly an inept system, as described in MRNCBPLC.

Weekly Doles.
Some payments for rents or repairs were made and clothing, bedding and fuel given out, but there is insufficient data to evaluate them. I concentrated on an analysis of 2372 pauper-years of weekly outdoor-relief. Between 26 and 64 were on regular outdoor-relief (1864-1910) averaging 49 and 9 years/pauper. Doles ranged from 6d to 5/-, averaging 2/6 with a median 2/3 overall. Some families are included so median values are more significant than the average. Over decennial periods the doles rose steadily from 1/3 (1864-70), 1/6 (1871-80), 2/- (1881-90) and 2/9 (1891-1900).

The mid-1880s saw the rise of the Highland Land League. (Hunter,1976,p131-183). The Kildonan branch of the Sutherland Association, a precursor of the League, was active from 1878 (MacLeod,1917,p29) and forced the estate to concede on several local issues. (MacCall,1995). Crofter representatives (including the son of a pauper who died in 1885) were on the Board in 1890, (MPBs for 1885-1889 are missing) following the Third Reform Act(1885), but the doles were rising before 1885, so could the Board have been responding to local political pressure?

The rise is even more significant in the context of a prices index falling from its peak of 151 in 1877 to 92 in 1896 and 100 in 1900. (Bowley,1900). Adjusting to 1900 prices the median dole was 1/- in 1864, only reaching 1/3 in 1878, 2/- in 1887 and 3/- by 1897. At 1870 prices a diet of oatmeal, potatoes and fish providing just 1900 calories per day would cost 2/- pw and the actual median 1/3 buys just 7lb of oatmeal/week, (some doles were paid in meal). In 1900, 3/- pw would buy a more balanced 2800 calories/day. For comparison, it was calculated that on a Sutherland labourer’s wage, spending 3/- on food per head (plus sundries and rent) a couple would be in primary poverty with one child in 1868-1884 and throughout with two. (Rowntree,1902 and Bowley,1900). Sheer survival was very difficult for paupers. If destitute, as demanded by the Poor Law, how could they have ‘other resources’? Perhaps they received their customary codach (portion) from among the crofters and labourers. Waste fish from the harbour, nettles from the midden and shellfish from the shore may have provided extra when they were mobile enough to get them. Doles paid to long-term paupers sometimes rose in their final years.

The Sutherland Combination Poorhouse was too large, distant, expensive, unsuited to the Highlands and little-used. It cost 8/4 per pauper/week in 1879. (Day,1918,p111). The Scottish average per pauper/week in 1863 was 4/4. (Ferguson,1948,p218). The Poorhouse ‘Test’ was recommended for all but the most ‘deserving’, yet in Scotland generally only 14% were sent to the Poorhouse, probably because outdoor-relief was cheaper, compared with 31% in England. (Fraser&Morris,1990,p275).

The English New Poor Law, designed for the rural South aimed to put as many paupers as possible in the workhouse. (Drake,1994, p277-278). In Kildonan, between 1868 and 1895, only 7 (2%) were sent, including a child for 14 years, yet the Poorhouse charged the parish £1176 in that time. A further five were sent in 1905-1915. Fourteen who were on outdoor-relief between 1867 and 1869 were ‘offered Poorhouse’, after pressure from the Board of Supervision, though only one was sent and seven continued on regular relief subsequently. Three more were ‘tested’ in 1901, two came off-the-roll but one continued. Several people refused even the offer of outdoor-relief demonstrating the ‘stigma’ effect and other deserving cases may well not have applied.

The ‘Barracks’ were a terrace of six pauper-houses in Helmsdale. They appear in an estate plan of 1820, established by the Sutherland estate as part of the infamous Clearance of Kildonan and taken over by the Parochial Board from 1845. During 1872-1905, the parochial board spent a total of £210 in repairs and housed 14 individuals or families receiving regular relief totalling roughly £1060, or £8 per pauper-year instead of an estimated £49 per pauper-year for the Poorhouse. Alongside the almshouses, known locally as 'The Barracks', the plan shows the narrow strips of land allocated to tenants who had been cleared from inland Kildonan. These allocations or 'lots' were judged just sufficient to keep a family alive. The census refers to the tenants as 'lotters' rather than 'crofters' as defined in the crofting legislation of the 1890s.

Other cottages were also taken over by the Board in exchange for relief and used as ‘Parochial lodging-houses’. (Day,1918,p116).

From - After 1845, poor relief continued to be administered at the parish level. As well as operating out-relief, parishes or combinations of parishes with a population of at least 5000, could operate a 'statutory' poorhouse under rules prescribed by the central Board of Supervision. Many parishes, particularly in the east of Scotland operated smaller and more informal poorhouse establishments variously known as almshouses, parish homes, parochial houses or parish lodging houses. In 1861, the Board of Supervision identified two classes of parish poorhouses: those being used for the purposes of statutory poorhouses, and those that were merely dwelling houses for those receiving outdoor relief, most of which were very modest. Parish accommodation was usually arranged as small apartments or cottages. The inmates (persons of good character) could live with as much freedom as in their own homes, often with their own furniture and buying and preparing their own food. The page specific to Sutherland is here. It notes that one of the earliest poor-relief institutions in Sutherland was that in the parish of Kildonan, said to have been established in the 1820s. It consisted of a terrace of six pauper cottages or almshouses known as "The Barracks". It received funding from the Duke of Sutherland and after 1845 from the Kildonan Parochial Board. In 1904 it could house up to 8 men, 8 women and 14 children.

Perhaps the Kildonan parish almshouse had to be established early due to the impoverishment of many of the cleared tenants due to the estate 'Improvements'! It may be also be noted that while the Sutherland estate was the main if not the only proprietor of the parish, the poor-relief rate after 1845 would be levied on tenants as well as the estate.
The barracks, old helmsdale

The concern of the Board was ‘efficiency’ of relief to the deserving-poor and forcing the non-deserving-poor to labour. Doles rose from utterly inadequate to bare subsistence-level by 1900. The aged, insane and infirm were aided to the minimum level needed for survival, though this does not appear to have affected their life-expectancy. The able-bodied may have been assisted by subterfuge. The Poorhouse was expensive and unsuitable. Relatively large sums were spent on legal costs and administration. Though the MRNCBPLC criticisms were justified, it does not appear to have been as bad in Kildonan as in the urban areas. Economic dogma and parochial parsimony in the face of a rapidly changing economy bore hardest on the poorest.

Personal Note
My great-grandfather, Joseph MacLeod, MBE, author of 'Highland Heroes of the Land Reform Movement', a founder of the Sutherland Association and a prominent Land-League speaker, was the son of a shoemaker in Helmsdale. Alexander, his father received both occasional and regular out-relief at various times after 1870, when the railway reached Helmsdale, until the last of his six children reached 14. Unusually Alexander came off the roll aged 65. The family lived at the Barracks where his mother nursed incapable paupers. Despite their circumstances, Alexander lived until he was 87 and Ann, his wife, to 97.

Census Enumeration Books for Kildonan parish, (52), 1851, - transcribed on my computer
Census Enumeration Books for Kildonan parish, (52), 1861,1871,1881,1891 - microfilm (CEBs)
Old Parish Record for Loth (1803-1854) and Kildonan (1791-1854). - transcribed on computer (OPR)
Published List of Registered Poor chargeable to the Parish of Kildonan 1868-1915 - (LRP)
Statutory Death records for parish of Kildonan 1855-1901 - (SDR)
Minutes of the Parochial Board for the Parish of Kildonan 1845-1924 - (MPB)
Highland Council Archives: CS6/8/2, 1863-1870
CS6/8/3, 1871-1878
CS6/8/4, 1877-1884 Scroll (Draft book only)
CS6/8/5, 1890-1904

Official Reports:
The report of the National Committee to promote the break-up of the Poor Law Commission, 1909 - (NCBPLC)
The Minority Report of the Poor Law Commission for Scotland, in the above report of the National Committee to promote the break-up of the Poor Law Commission, 1909, (MRNCBPLC)
Report by the Board of Trade into Earnings and Hours of Labour of Work People in the UK, Vol V - Agriculture in 1907, HMSO, 1910
Report of an enquiry by the Board of Trade into Working Class rents and retail prices in industrial towns in 1912, HMSO, 1913

DA301 Final Project Report,
MacCall, A.T., Marrel East Sutherland during the Highland Land War of the 1880s, Project report submitted for Open University Course DA301 (Studying Family and Community History), 1995

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Bowley, A.L.,1900, Wages in the UK in the Nineteenth Century, Cambridge
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Crowther, A.M. Poverty, ‘Health & Welfare’ in Fraser & Morris, People & Society in Scotland, qv
Day, J.P., 1918, Public Administration in the Highlands & Islands, London
Devine, T.M.,(Ed), 1984, Farm Servants and Labour in Lowland Scotland, 1770-1914, John Donald
Drake, M. (Ed), 1994, Time Family and Community, Open University
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Ferguson, T, 1948, The Dawn of Scottish Social Welfare, Nelson, Edinburgh
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MacPherson, J.M, nd, . The Kirk’s Care of the Poor, Aberdeen
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Smout, TC, 1986, A Century of the Scottish People, 1830-1950, Collins, London